I am reading Doris Kearns Goodwin’s
Leadership in Turbulent Times, in
which she explores how four American presidents—Abraham Lincoln, Theodore
Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, and Lyndon Johnson—developed their personal
leadership qualities. She describes how
a young Lincoln, still in his twenties, became concerned about leaders, in
Goodwin’s words, “in whom ambition is divorced from the people’s best
interests” and who had the potential to become despots. I was fascinated by the story and searched
out Lincoln’s original speech, which I found on Abraham Lincoln Online.
It
was 1838—26 years after the start of the War of 1812 and 27 years before the Civil
War. Lincoln was an Illinois State Representative. As his future law partner, William Herndon
described it, “. . . the speech was brought out by the burning in St. Louis a few weeks
before, by a mob, of a negro. Lincoln took this incident as a sort of text for
his remarks ...” Lincoln noted that his
audience had benefited greatly from a now-past generation that saw the nation
through its revolution and initial expansion, just as, in our times, the
younger generation is now feeling the passing of the “Greatest Generation” that
saw the nation through the Depression and World War II and into an era of civil
rights. As Lincoln said:
“We find ourselves under the government
of a system of political institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends
of civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times
tells us. We, when mounting the stage of existence, found ourselves the legal
inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled not in the acquirement or
establishment of them--they are a legacy bequeathed us, by a once hardy,
brave, and patriotic, but now lamented and departed race of
ancestors.”
The challenge to this generation, he
told his young audience, will not be from foreign invaders, but from within. Danger, he warned, “if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us. It cannot come from
abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and
finisher. As a nation of freemen, we
must live through all time, or die by suicide.”
Lincoln cited the recent mob-based killing in St. Louis. “Accounts of outrages committed by mobs, form the
every-day news of the times. They have pervaded the country, from New England
to Louisiana . . . Whatever, then, their cause may be, it is common to the
whole country.” The larger lesson of mob
rule, Lincoln tells his young listeners, is the death of democracy:
“When men
take it in their heads today to hang gamblers, or burn murderers, they should
recollect, that, in the confusion usually attending such transactions, they
will be as likely to hang or burn some one who is neither a gambler nor a
murderer as one who is; and that, acting upon the example they set, the mob of
to-morrow, may, and probably will, hang or burn some of them by the very same
mistake. . . and thus it goes on, step by step, till all the walls erected for
the defense of the persons and property of individuals, are trodden down, and
disregarded. . . . Thus, then, by the operation of this mobocractic spirit, which all must
admit, is now abroad in the land, the strongest bulwark of any Government, and
particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectually be broken down and
destroyed--I mean the attachment of the People.”
The key to avoiding this outcome, Lincoln maintained, was education:
“Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by every American mother, to the
lisping babe, that prattles on her lap--let it be taught in schools, in
seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written in Primers, spelling books, and
in Almanacs;--let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative
halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let it become
the political religion of the nation . . .”
Lincoln went on to emphasize that this does not mean that citizens should not work to end bad laws, but that “There is no grievance that is a fit
object of redress by mob law.” The
long-term success of democracy, he argued, “. . . will require the people to be
united with each other, attached to the government and laws, and generally
intelligent, to successfully frustrate his designs.” He concluded:
“Reason,
cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish all the materials for our
future support and defence.--Let those materials be moulded into general
intelligence, sound morality, and in particular, a reverence for
the constitution and laws: and, that we improved to the last; that we
remained free to the last . . .”
Here we are today, at a time when
technological and social change have empowered individuals while endangering our
understanding of community. Two days
ago, one home-grown terrorist killed eleven Jewish worshipers in a Pittsburgh
synagogue—the single largest act of terror against Jews in American history,
but just another in a growing list of mass killings in schools, churches, and
other settings across America. It is
time to take Lincoln’s advice to heart.
We need to instill in all citizens—from grade school through high school
and on to vocational and professional education—a sense of their responsibility
as citizens and members of a democratic society. There is, of course, much more we need to do,
from a serious commitment to gun control to providing social, psychological,
and medical services to all Americans in need.
But first, we need to understand better and more deeply the nature of
our country and of our roles as citizens.
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